World War II and the New York Irish
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Most histories of the  immigrant Irish families that  settled in New York City tell  a familiar story. Usually a  pioneer member of the  family arrives sometime in  the nineteenth century and  sets up a pattern of  emigration from the old  country that continues from  one generation to the next.  Siblings follow siblings,  nieces and nephews follow  aunts and uncles, cousins  follow cousins, friends follow friends, and the pattern  repeats itself from one era to  the next.
But major events  occur and interrupt that  continuity, and of all these  events none is more  disruptive to established  patterns than the outbreak   of war. The Second World  War was, for several years,  anticipated by New Yorkers  of Irish background, and it  was from the standpoint of  both American and Irish  politics that they watched it approach.   The war changed some of the city's oldest Irish  institutions, like the old 69 th  Regiment and the  Carmelite Church, Our Lady of the Scapular. It  cut completely the Atlantic road that connected  America and Ireland. The Irish of New York City  adapted to the changes as best they could, but  when it was all over it was a changing if not  changed city. before and after world war i In the mid-nineteenth century, following the catastrophe of the Great Hunger, New York's  Irish community had few  institutions that portrayed  positive images of themselves. One institution that  proved an exception was  the 69 th  Regiment, a unit  of the state militia. When  the American Civil War  broke out, the unit was  rushed to the front where,  over the course of the next  few years, it established a  record of which any of America's ethnic communities would be enormously  proud. And the Regiment  became synonymous with  the Irish. No American  military unit had as strong  a connection to an ethnic  group as did New York's  69 th  Regiment despite several attempts by government and military  authorities to change it. In  the 1930s, its regimental  headquarters was not only a military gathering place,  but a gathering place for  leaders of the Irish social societies. When  recruits were needed, the Regiment turned to  officers of the Irish organizations to steer into  their ranks their young and fit members. It  was not just on St. Patrick's Day that the 69 th   represented the Irish community. Its ranks  included hundreds of members of the Ancient  Order of Hibernians, the Clan na Gael, and  individual organizations of the thirty-two Irish  county organizations and dozens of other Irish  groups.
The Irish community in New York  responded loyally when America entered  World War II and the New York  Irish  Illustration:   In 1940 a film   depicting New York's  69 th  Regiment in  World War I played to large crowds in the  New York City  theaters. During that  War, the unit was  officially renamed the  "165 th  Infantry," but  "69 th  Regiment"  endured as the more  popular designation.  Courtesy of   John T. Ridge.   World War I in 1917. No unit represented  the Irish more than the New York 69 th , the  "Fighting Irish." The 69 th  (renamed the  165 th  ) rendered extraordinary service, and  its leaders such as Colonel "Wild Bill"  Donovan and Chaplain Father Francis  Duffy became symbols of Irish-American  valor and patriotism for the entire country.  However, just before the outbreak of World  War I a battle had been waged between the  officers of the old 69 th  and the military and  political leaders in Albany and Washington  over the retention of the Regiment's distinctive Irish character. There was no other ethnic unit like the 69 th  in America. That made  it different and consequently somewhat mistrusted by pro-British leaders preparing the  military for participation in the European  war. For America and the 69 th , that entry  into the war came only one year after the  attempted Rising in Dublin in 1916. In the  aftermath of this rebellion, many New York  Irish-Americans harbored anti-British sympathies which, in turn, led American army  leaders to try making the 69 th  less ethnic,  less Irish.  At first, army high command attempted  to remove old officers of the Regiment and  replace them with men from the regular army,  but soon infusions of new recruits from all  ethnic backgrounds diluted the old Irish character of the unit. Yet, the changes were never  severe enough to fundamentally alter the traditional composition of the 69 th . When the  war ended and the unit reverted to state control, the old recruiting ethnic patterns were  reinstituted in the 1920s and 1930s. In the  years between the wars, the armory on  Lexington Avenue was once again the scene of  Irish activities, social events, musical evenings  and entertainments, even formal military  reviews by officers of the Irish county organizations from whose ranks many of the new  recruits came. before pearl harbor In 1938 the 69 th  Regiment attended the  annual memorial mass in commemoration  John Ridge is president   of the New York Irish  History Roundtable. He is  the author of many articles  and several books on the  Irish in the New York City  area. His last article, "Irish  County Colonies in  New York City, (Part III)"  appeared in volume 27 of  New York Irish History. His  book, Celebrating 250 Years  of the New York City St.  Patrick's Day Parade, was  published in Spring, 2011.  ©2015. Published with  permission of John T. Ridge.
Illustration:   Bill Fealey's column in  the Irish Advocate was  a remarkable chronicle  of the 69 th  Regiment  (165 th  Infantry) from  before the attack on  Pearl Harbor through  the entire war. He also  united, through words,  friends and families   on the home front   and with servicemen  on the firing line.  Courtesy of   John T. Ridge.   of Washington's Birthday at Holy Cross  Church on West 42 nd  Street, where Father  Joseph A. McCaffrey, who had succeeded  Father Duffy as pastor as well as the chaplain of the famed Regiment, summed up the  isolationist sentiment of many New York  Irish at the time: "Certainly, the last war should be a  lesson to us, summed up in the homely  phrase, Mind your own business," said  Father McCaffrey. "Certainly, those of  us who went to war do not want to go  again. There is no honor, no glory in  killing our fellow man. We may have to  go to war, it is true, but let it be a war  of defense only. We should protect our  boundaries and that is all we should try  to protect. Let us stay out of war, protect  ourselves and use every means of preparation for self-protection."  Events in Europe kept intruding on those  who wished to isolate America from the  growing threat of war. The menace of Nazism  was clear to see in its rearmament of  Germany, while the Soviet Union promoted  its own program of world revolution with a  build-up of its military. The New York Irish  community like the rest of America had its  extremes of right and left that became more  evident as war broke out in Europe in  September, 1939. The interventionist Roosevelt administration in Washington was not happy with  the independently minded 69 th  Regiment  and its anti-war and anti-British attitudes.  With Britain under attack, any group that  advocated neutrality now became the object  of government investigation - or worse. In  January, 1940, the Federal Bureau of  Investigation swooped down in a series of  coordinated raids to arrest eighteen individuals, several of whom, including a captain and  two sergeants, were active members of the  69 th  Regiment of the New York National  Guard. The chief accusation against these  individuals was that they had plotted "to  seize control of the United States  Government." Several of the accused were  members of the Christian Front, a looselyorganized group of supporters of Father  Charles E. Coughlin, the so-called "radio  priest," whose fiery anti-Roosevelt broadcasts  had made him a national and highly controversial figure. The Christian Front was mainly centered in the Northeast and spent much  of its time in street demonstrations which  sometimes resulted in bloody confrontations  with local leftists. The trial became known as  the "Christian Front" case, or less frequently  the "sedition" case.  The trial and its consequences stretched  over a year before all the defendants, less one  who had committed suicide in the interim,  were acquitted of all charges. Captain John  Prout, the highest ranked officer of the 69 th ,  and the other members of Regiment also faced  court martial proceedings, but these charges  were also found to be without merit. The case  was long and complicated one, and some  observers considered the entire process to have  been little more than a government inspired  warning shot to the isolationists that the time  for opposition was over. Certainly, the message  carried deep into the ranks of the 69 th  as all the  Photo:   Carroll O'Connor,  later to become a film  and television star, was  the grandson of Irish  Advocate owner John  O'Connor. As a  nineteen-year old cadet  from the Merchant  Marine Academy,  before America entered  the war, he had  already made several  dangerous convoy  voyages to bring  supplies to Europe.  After the war, he wrote  his own weekly column  for the newspaper.  Courtesy of   John T. Ridge.   accused members of the Regiment were consequently dismissed from the unit.  In the aftermath of the trial, an interesting perspective on the inner working of the  Regiment was provided by the New York  Irish weekly newspaper, the Irish Advocate,  which carried a column written by Bill Fealy,  nephew of the owner and publisher of the  paper, Co. Kerry native John C. O'Connor.  Although a native New Yorker, Fealy was so  immersed in the cultural and social life of  Irish New York that he was as knowledgeable  as any native of Ireland about its history and  customs. His column in the Irish Advocate  was initially a light-hearted look at the social  life of the individuals and organizations that  constituted Irish New York, but in 1941 he  was called up for federal service when the  69 th  was called up for military training at various camps in the South. Corporal Fealy,  nevertheless, continued his column, reporting on his fellow soldiers of the 69 th , many of  whom were familiar figures in the city's Irish  social life. Fealy reported events with an  amazing frankness and independence indicating just how firmly he and his fellow Irish  differed from the regular army brass. He  vehemently opposed what he felt was a deliberate effort to swamp the Regiment with  non-Irish draftees: This type of trainee is being sent to  the 69 th  purposely in order to eliminate  the Irish traits of the Regiment and is  causing much discontent among the  Irish and Catholics of the 69 th . The 69 th   is and will remain an Irish Regiment,  despite the presence of these "undesirables." Yes, we have gotten a few Irish  trainees, but not as many as we would  have liked. Many members of the  Regiment think something should be  done about the problem and protest  against the assigning of "undesirables"  to the 69 th .  There existed within the Regiment an  association of soldiers, headed by a  Limerick-born private determined to keep  the Irish traditions of the 69 th  alive "and  close to the hearts of all who wear the farfamed green insignia, regardless of their  racial extraction before they became Irish by  adoption."   The association traced its origins  to an incident in 1939 while the Regiment  was in training at Plattsburgh, New York,  when an Irish harp flag was ordered to be  taken down from the roof of a barracks. Sgt.  Michael Tierney, who had started his soldiering career back in Tipperary in 1914  with the Irish Volunteers and had known  rebels such as Sean Treacy and Dan Breen,  seized the flag and led a protest parade down  the company street.  Just three months before Pearl Harbor,  Fealy wrote of the indignation in the 69 th   when Chaplain Joseph M. Egan was "transferred to another unit because he wasn't  British enough to suit certain high officers."  The chaplain also sympathized with the men  of the Regiment in their desire to go home  after their required period of service had  ended, and his expressed opinion that  American soldiers should never be sent overseas to fight for some foreign cause.  According to Fealy:  The popular chaplain also met with  disfavor, when he took the side of a noncommissioned officer who said he would  never fight on the side of England. The  soldier was ordered reduced to private  and assigned to a labor battalion.  Through Father Egan's intervention, the  order was squashed. Later, the same soldier was requested by higher-ups to put  in for a transfer to another regiment.  This he has refused to do, and with  Illustration:   In 1937, the 69 th   Regiment advertised in  the Irish Advocate for  recruits for its  Company D, the   "most Irish" of all its  companies. Courtesy of  John T. Ridge.   many other Irish-American soldiers of  the 69 th , is continuing his fight against  the British and un-American control of  the army and the anti-Irish and anti-Catholic activities now going on in the  army and elsewhere.  Father Egan was transferred back into the  69 th  by late October, 1941, but the War  Department came down strongly on dissidents, prohibiting publication of the regimental newspaper bulletin and ordering all  members of the 27 th  Division, to which the  Regiment was attached, to "cease anti-British  remarks and writings."   Bill Fealy wrote happily in his column that they had scored another  victory against these "un-American schemers  in the Army." Furthermore, he stated that "the  men of the 69 th  Regiment have no desire or  intention of fighting alongside British troops  and their comrades from Communist  Russia...."   But after Pearl Harbor, everything  changed. Fealy wrote in late December, 1941: The members of the 69 th  Regiment  stationed at Fort McClellan, Ala., are  100 percent behind the U.S.  Government declaration of war against  Japan. When the country or one of its  possessions is attacked, political and  other subjects are forgotten, and the  nation stands united in support of our  government.  irish neutrality The new Free State of Ireland, composed of  the twenty-six counties of southern Ireland,  changed leadership in 1932 when Eamon  DeValera became its leader. The War for  Irish Independence had extended the legacy  of strife between Ireland and Britain, and  between the political parties in southern  Ireland which were still deeply wounded by  the scars of the Irish Civil War. DeValera  was strongly resolved to yield no more sovereignty to the United Kingdom and to win  back control of several still occupied Irish  naval ports. Only a short time before war  broke out between Britain and Germany the  Irish ports were given up, but the u-boat war  in the Atlantic threatened Britain's lifeline.  The ports and neutrality of Ireland again  became an issue for the British government  Illustration:   The American Friends  of Irish Neutrality in  1941 tried to help  Ireland preserve strict  neutrality in the face of  the war in Europe.  After Pearl Harbor   the organization  immediately selfliquidated. Courtesy of  John T. Ridge.   and their American political allies. The  DeValera government argued that anything  less than complete impartiality in the war  compromised Ireland's fledgling independence.
In January, 1941, the American Friends  of Irish Neutrality was formed in New York  City, and shortly afterward, Paul O'Dwyer,  brother of the future New York mayor and a  prominent Irish political and cultural leader,  became its national chairman. The organization worked closely with the Irish Consulate  in New York to regularly hold rallies where  speakers, including notables like writer Liam  O'Flaherty, author of The Informer, strongly  condemned any threat to the  neutrality of the Irish Free  State. By May, the organization  claimed over twenty-thousand  members in the Eastern United  States.   A month later, more  than, three-thousand members  of Irish societies bearing the  banners of all of the county  societies and other kindred  groups paraded through  Manhattan streets before entering St. Patrick's  Cathedral where Cardinal Francis J. Spellman  celebrated a mass for Irish neutrality.  america enters the war Although America still remained officially neutral, the war was having direct effect on the  New York Irish community. Marie Doherty,  one of three sisters who were popular performers at Irish venues, particularly in Irishtown in  Rockaway, wrote in her weekly column in the  Irish Advocate about one such event: I would like to thank each and every  one who extended sympathy on the  death of 12 of our relatives killed in an  air raid at Clydebank, Scotland. Frank  Doherty (brother of my father) and his  9 children were killed, his wife is badly  injured, and in the hospital. Rose  Doherty (niece of my father) was killed.  Her mother Margaret Doherty is seriously injured. Miss Grace Mulhern (a  sister of my mother) was also killed.  Luftwaffe attacks had mistakenly  bombed Dublin and vicinity on at least two  occasions, and in late May another attack  killed twenty-for people. The u-boat war  reduced the availability of some food products in Ireland. In response, one New York  shipping company advertised that ten pounds  of ham would be delivered guaranteed anywhere in Ireland from Dublin for $5.95, or  the same amount of bacon for $7.50.    Perhaps the most sought after commodity  was tea. Two pounds for $1.75, or five  pounds for $4.00, could be sent to the old  country by the exporter Garrettson & Son,  Front Street, Manhattan. The department  store, Hearns, with branches at 14 th  Street  and at 149 th  Street and 3 rd  Avenue in the  South Bronx, boasted of eight-thousand successful deliveries of food parcels of various  kinds of rationed goods to Ireland.  Irish societies came together for a benefit  administered by the Red Cross for members of  a group known as Ulster Victims of Aerial  Warfare at the end of May, 1941. Another  group, the Aid to Ireland Committee, whose  members wore buttons with name of their  group on their lapels, placed collection boxes  in taverns and restaurants around New York.  In response to the near total failure of the  Irish wheat crop, an old cargo ship, the Leda  (of Panamanian registry) was purchased by the  Irish government to transport eight-thousand  tons of wheat. Brightly painted in green,  white, and orange, it was the first ship to bear  the Irish flag from a United States port since  the establishment of the Irish Free State when  it sailed from Brooklyn's Bush Terminal for an  undisclosed Irish destination in July, 1941.    Photo:   Marie Doherty   (center) and her sisters  performed a militarystyle dancing act at  Irish cabarets and  especially in Irishtown  in Rockaway. In April,  1941, she wrote in her  Irish Advocate column  about the loss of twelve  family members in a  Nazi bombing raid in  Scotland. Courtesy of  John T. Ridge.   Additional cargo ships were later added to  transport supplies across the Atlantic, creating  the first small fleet of the Irish merchant  marine.
In the final months of 1941, it was  announced that several hundred members of  the 69 th  Regiment would be released sometime in December or January from military  service owing to expiration of their enlistments or they had reached age twenty-eight.  Columnist Bill Fealy, with the Regiment in  Alabama, wrote to his friend entertainer Peter  McNulty that he expected to be home for  Christmas and released from the service a few  weeks later.    On the night before Pearl Harbor,  December 6, 1941, the Sligo Ladies  Association celebrated at the Innisfail  Ballrooms in midtown while the United Irish  Counties Auxiliary Dance with Paddy  Killoran was at the Hotel Abbey. The Clare  Ramblers danced at the Tuxedo Ballroom,  and the Rathmore (Co. Kerry) Social Club  danced at the Star O' Munster Ballroom in  the South Bronx. The next day, December  7 th , the Philo Celtic Society, one of two societies in the city offering free instruction in  the Irish language, was scheduled to hold its  regular Sunday evening ceili at the Central  Opera House at East 67 th  Street, but with the  shocking news of the Pearl Harbor attack, it  was not to be. An editorial a few days later in  the Irish Advocate sought to calm the Irish  community: The war with Japan and Germany  which we are just entering, will naturally affect the routine of life and business of all our undertakings. We just  can't tell what time will bring forth.  There is no reason to be unduly worried  and should go on, as near as possible,  with our social activities, our works of  charity and the passing everyday work  to sustain our homes and those dependent on us for their livelihood.  The American Friends of Irish Neutrality  almost immediately closed its headquarters  on Park Avenue and announced the dissolution of the organization. Dozens of Irish  societies, including the umbrella group for  the individual Irish counties societies, the  United Irish Counties, pledged themselves to  the war effort through the purchase of  defense bonds. Whatever anti-war feeling  that had been present in the 69 th  Regiment  immediately vanished. Bill Fealy wrote that  "when this country or any of its possessions  is attacked, political and other subjects are  forgotten, and the nation stands united in  support of our government."  Three thousand members and guests of  the New York County Ancient Order of  Hibernians at their annual dinner six days after  Pearl Harbor honored the memory Captain  Colin P. Kelly, Jr., killed after the bombing of  the Japanese battleship Haruna, with a ceremony where a bugler sounded taps, followed  by the solemn recitation of the pledge of allegiance.   Another military man to fall in the  first days of the war was Brooklyn boy Major  Emmet O'Donnell, who perished after bringing down four Japanese planes in the battle for  the Philippines.  Illustration:   Throughout the war,  Irish restaurant   and tavern owners  sponsored advertisements  promoting the  various war bond  drives such as this one  in the Irish Advocate  during 1943.  Courtesy of   John T. Ridge.   The entry of America into the  European war had changed Irish-American  opinion on most of the issues involving the  question of Irish neutrality. A Gallup poll in  February, 1942, indicated that Irish-Americans voters responded with a seventytwo percent affirmative, compared to ninety  percent of all voters, to the question  "Would you like to see the Irish Free State  let the Allies use war bases along the Irish  coast?"   However, the American  Association for the Recognition of the Irish  Republic (AARIR), the principal American  support group of Eamon DeValera's Irish  Republican party, passed a resolution at its  New York State convention in the same  week a Gallup poll was published, stating  that the stationing of American soldiers in  Northern Ireland was the cause of "great  embarrassment, perplexity and misgivings  to the lovers of Democratic government."    A few months later in May, Assemblyman  Owen McGivern, a private in the 69 th , in  contrast to the isolationism expressed at  previous gatherings, was applauded at the  Regiment's annual communion breakfast at  the Hotel Pennsylvania when he called for  Ireland to open coastal locations for use as  submarine bases.   Few signs of opposition  to the war and questions of Irish neutrality  were evident in the Irish-American community after 1942. the cost of war The human cost of America's entry into the  war became evident slowly in 1942. One of  the most popular individuals in the city was  Patrick J. Walsh of the Yorkville neighborhood. He was well known to thousands of  Irish-Americans as the Treasurer of the  United Irish Counties Association and as  President of the New York County Board of  the Ancient Order of Hibernians. Lieutenant  Walsh, although severely wounded by a shell  fired in a surface attack from a German  u-boat, remained at his post until another  shell destroyed the bridge. Initially declared  Missing in Action, there was an agonizing  wait before he was sometime later officially  declared dead.   Early in the war  a few soldiers did come home,  usually after severe wounding,  and sometimes continuing to  serve as speakers promoting the  sale of war bonds. At the annual  dinner of the St. Patrick Society  of Brooklyn held at the Waldorf  on St. Patrick's Day, 1943,  Corporal James F. Smith of the  Marine Corps told of being with  the first landing detachment on  Guadalcanal in August, 1942,  and the subsequent battle  wounds that invalided him home a short time  later. Then, Ensign Phillip G. Nolan, who  was one of nine torpedoed seamen who floated two-thousand miles over open sea for thirty-nine days, told the story of how they all  had miraculously survived. While adrift on  Christmas Day 1942, he had enjoyed what he  then thought was a luxurious dinner of a  rationed single small piece of chocolate.    As the war years rolled on, one could  read the death notices, sometimes in  government-inserted formal lists of dead   and wounded by last known address, in paid  advertisements inserted by the family, or in  short obituaries published in papers that  specialized in hometown news like the  Brooklyn Eagle. Information about the lives   of these young soldiers was pathetically brief:  name, address, parents, sometimes a spouse,  siblings, and other relatives. A mass was  normally said for the Roman Catholic  Illustration:   The true story of the  five Sullivan Brothers  lost in the Pacific when  their ship sank after a  Japanese attack made  it to the screen in  1944. Many Irish-American families sent  similar numbers of  their young sons and  daughters into the  service. Courtesy of  John T. Ridge.   deceased, so the home parish was listed. Irish  names tended to come from relatively few  parishes, revealing the ethnic clustering still  present in the city at that time. Short  newspaper-written obituaries sometimes  included the parochial school, high school,  and occasionally a college, most often an area  school. Rarely was there anything else, other  than those milestones of a young life, a job as  a newsboy, activity in the scouts, work in an  office in Manhattan or brief employment in a  manual or skilled trade. Hundreds and  hundreds of these announcements of wartime  death appeared with increasing frequency as  1944 turned into 1945, when the sketches  becoming so closely repetitive that only the  names seemed to change. After all, what can  be said about the short life of a twenty-year  old? The landing of the 69 th  Regiment on  Makin Island in the Gilberts in December,  1943, focused attention on New York's Irish  Regiment. Death claimed the high and low  from Private George Montgomery, a Tyrone  native, who was a piper in the Co. Tyrone  Pipe Band and a member of the Ulster Irish  Society, to its gallant regimental commander  Col. Gardiner Conroy. Chaplain Stephen J.  Meaney, who was seriously wounded, was  only saved when a religious medal worn  around his neck deflected an enemy bullet.    More than six-thousand names had been  entered into the service flag of members and  their families of the United Irish Counties as  news arrived about Makin Island.   A few  weeks after the battle, Bill Fealy included the  names of many members of the Regiment  who had come through the battle without  injury including his friend Jimmy Alymer,  a prominent member of the Limerick  Association and the AARIR. Alymer was  one individual frequently mentioned by  Fealy and other columnists, and reports of  his continuing good health must have  been reassuring to his family. Less than six  months after the Makin Island landing,  Alymer was killed in action on  Okinawa.  The Irish Advocate and other  New York Irish weeklies were well read  by the combat and service troops, frequently in foxholes as shells whistled  overhead. The local coverage of Irish  events in New York and the chit-chat  about the activities of the men and  women in service were often better than  a letter from home. The newspapers were  forwarded from one soldier to another,  from one island to another.
The war claimed a steady number of  casualties. John McGrail, Ballinamore, Co.  Leitrim, and a player on the Co. Down  football team in New York, was reported  killed in action in Italy in February, 1944.  Jack Gill, a former star player of the Galway  Hurling Club, was wounded and recovering  in Italy at the same time his family substituted for him at a ceremony at the Club  social where some of his hurling medals  from a previous season were awarded.   Jim  Goode, a former officer of the Galway  Association, was wounded in the Pacific  while Sergeant Johnny McGuire, who had  been stationed in Newcastle, Co. Down, for  three months, was wounded at Anzio. Both  were furloughed home.   Corporal James  Paul O'Shea, from Castlegregory, Co.  Kerry, was another immigrant Irishman  killed in fighting in the Italian campaign at  Illustration:   Five children of Long  Beach restaurant  owner and Kerryman,  Pat Howard, were in  military service by  1944. Courtesy of  John T. Ridge.   about the same time that Father Joseph A.  Gilmore, from St. Stephen's Church on   East 29 th  Street and the first chaplain from  the New York Archdiocese, was killed in  action on the same front.   Another chaplain, Franciscan Father Dominic Tiernan  from St. Francis of Assissi on West 31 st   Street, was killed while administering the  sacraments to a wounded soldier on the battlefield in France.   Many of the fallen, like  Lieutenant John Guerin of Manhattan's  Ascension Parish who was active in the  Kerry Association, routinely had memorial  masses in home parishes where friends and  family gathered.   Friends marked the losses  in many ways. Some wrote roughly composed poems, such as the one written when  Martin McNamara of Limerick City was  killed in Italy: A Telegram came this morning, "We regret to inform you," it said, Pvt. McNamara in action was killed, Another brave Irishman dead.  The larger Irish families of the 1940s  sometimes sent multiple members into the  service. Peter Coen, one of several brothers  who had given years of service as officers to  the Sligo Men's Assocation, had six sons  serving Uncle Sam, four in the military and  two as engineers in government plants.   Pat  Howard, owner of a restaurant opposite the  Long Island Railroad Terminal in Long  Beach, had four sons and a daughter in the  military. It seemed at times that the Irish  were so numerous that they were almost  tripping over one another. George Smyth, a  Swinford native and former Brooklyn resident and former captain of the Mayo  Football team, was serving with the Army  Medical Corps in Italy when he passed a  British Eighth Army sentry post and was  quickly challenged by the sentry on watch.  He advanced and identified himself to his  own brother, William, who he had not seen  in eighteen years.  at war's end Many optimists had expected an end to the  war by Christmas 1944, but it would not end  until May, 1945 in Europe and August, 1945  in the Pacific. The end would not come fast  enough for former New York Limerick hurler  Eddie Barron, eldest son of Paddy Barron,  Photo:   The Carmelite Church  on East 28th Street  (shown here in the  1920s) was a center of  Irish social activity in  the 1940s. Courtesy   of Alfred Isacsson,   O.Carm.   Recording Secretary of the New York Gaelic  Athletic Association. Eddie Barron was killed  in action just days prior to the cessation of  hostilities in Europe.  Kieran P. Fennelly, of McGraw Avenue  in the Bronx, was a former vice president of  the Kilkenny Association, who by May of  1945 was already more than three years in  the army and a holder of the Silver Star. He  found himself in a foxhole on Okinawa with  a heavy bombardment overhead, when he  and his buddies were astounded by the  sound of a baby crying throughout the night  in no man's land. The next morning Army  medics found the baby strapped to its dead  mother, and they promptly placed it in the  care of Kieran Fennelly. For the next day, he  played nursemaid to the little girl, preparing  a mushy gruel from his own cereal ration for  the starving infant and caring tenderly for  the orphan. The baby fell asleep smiling to  the sounds of shelling overhead before eventually being turned over to proper medical  personnel. Fennelly had a good story to tell  his wife when he got home to New York  months later.  Many New York Irish serving in Europe  got a chance to visit relatives in Ireland in  1945. Sergeant Dave Farrell, born in New York  of Clare and Donegal parents,  visited an aunt  and uncle in Killaloe and then with a group of  other Americans soldiers received a warm welcome in the Dail in Dublin. The highlight of  the visit was being personally received by  Eamon DeValera and his wife, Sile. Less routine was the visit of Lieutenant Buddy  Maguire, the pilot of a B-17 bomber. Maguire,  whose father was a Fermanagh native, located  the family's house in the rural Irish countryside  and then flew low enough to drop a note of  greetings to his grandmother.  Ireland and America had been largely cut  off from each other for more than five years.  In June, 1945, Charles Lindbergh visited  Ireland on behalf of two U.S. airlines and the  Army and Navy to prepare the opening of  flights carrying up to two-hundred passengers  to what would become Shannon Airport.    The need for such a connection was painfully  evident for Irish actor Barry Fitzgerald, who  waited in New York for two weeks in August,  1945 hoping he would be able book a seat to  Ireland. Fitzgerald had not been home for  years, but even he couldn't get a space.  All over the city, welcome home parties  were given for returning veterans. On  Davidson Avenue in the Bronx a party for  furloughed soldiers Jack Ahern and Tommy  Hanna featured accordionist James Brennan  and Jack Curtin on the violin before ending  at five o'clock in the morning.   At the  American Legion Post on Boscobal Avenue  in the Bronx, veterans of the previous war, as  well as his Leitrim family, welcomed  Sergeant Barney Duffy home with a sit-down  dinner.   Marine Sergeant Denis McCarthy  from Ballybunion, Co. Kerry, came home to  Jamaica after three and a half years to another all-night party which lasted from Saturday  until Sunday morning, finishing the festivities with the singing of Irish ballads.  Across the city in Irish neighborhoods  masses were held for fallen servicemen. The  United Irish Counties, the largest of the Irish  societies at that time, marked a formal close to  hostilities with a memorial mass for the dead  on September 16 th  at the church which was  then the focal point for Irish activity, the  Carmelite Church, Our Lady of the Scapular,  on East 28th Street between First and Second  Avenues in Manhattan. The mass was  described as a "solemn mass of Irish  Thanksgiving," and thousands of Irish  New Yorkers flocked to the service.   The  Carmelite Order had ministered to a largely  Irish neighborhood that by 1945 had changed,  leaving the church badly in debt. It survived  only because it had become the venue for  many of the religious and social activities of  the Irish societies. When the church had  offered refuge to Irish rebels like Liam Mellows  and Eamon DeValera after World War I, the  parish future had looked very bright: The parish at that time was one of  the most prosperous in the city and  many debts were contracted because the  priests knew that the generosity of the  parishioners would enable them to    carry on. However, the neighborhood  rapidly became industrialized and the  majority of the parishioners had to  move away and now the parish is no  longer able to support its church.  The Carmelite Church was one of many  parishes in the city to lose its Irish congregation in the next few decades, but for city's Irish  there was to be one last triumph. o'dwyer the mayor Bill O'Dwyer was the most popular Irishman  in the city and especially beloved by his fellow immigrant Irish. Born in Bohola, Co.  Mayo, his rise from policeman to Brooklyn  District Attorney was an Irish Horatio Alger  story. In 1941, he had received the  Democratic nomination for mayor to oppose  the incumbent Fiorello LaGuardia, who  received the Republican nomination and that  of several small parties including the leftist  American Labor Party.  O'Dwyer was a mainstream Democrat, but  failed to win the support  of Franklin Delano  Roosevelt and Transport  Workers Union president,  Kerry-born Mike Quill.  The defection of some  Tammany leaders to the  opposing camp further  weakened the O'Dwyer  campaign, and just over a  month before Pearl  Harbor he went down to  defeat by over 100,000  votes. He had to wait four  more years for his next  chance.
Although strongly  identified with several  Mayo societies, O'Dwyer  had served as an officer in  dozens of others with no  regional ties. The Irish  Advocate columnist Terry  Long wrote: He remains the  same unassuming approachable fellow  he was when he covered his beat. We  remember him best for his instantaneous  reply to a lad who shouted "Up Mayo,"  during his talk at the Mayo Association  Dinner which we [sic] had the honor to  be toastmaster. Said Bill, "Man made  the boundary lines, but God made  Ireland."  Thanks to more unified support of the  Democratic Party and the fact that three-term  Mayor LaGuardia was not running again,  William O'Dwyer was elected in November,  1945 in what probably was the last political  hurrah of the New York Irish. Post World War  II New York had become a changed city and  continued to change ethnically, socially, and  politically. Surprisingly, it entered this new  post-war era with an old-time Irish Democrat  at the helm.
Illustration:   William "Bill"  O'Dwyer first ran  unsuccessfully for  mayor of New York   in 1941 before being  elected in 1945. He  had a strong personal  following from the  members of the city's  Irish community,  many of whom were  long-time friends.  During the war, he  served as a brigadier  general in the Army  and was executive  director of the War  Refugee Board.  Courtesy of   John T. Ridge.   The economic depression that hit  the world in the 1930s caused a big  change in the pattern of Irish  immigration to America. After  1931, the number of new arrivals  from Ireland fell dramatically and  did not resume again, in much  smaller numbers, until several years  after World War II. Except for the  relatively short period during  World War I, there had never been  a period in immigration history  when the Irish were not coming to  America. Now, the disappearance  of the young immigrants had  immediate consequences on Irish  life in the city. Irish social activities  between the early 1930s and early  1940s became more infrequent.  Even a casual glance at the  New York weekly Irish newspapers  indicated a decline in the number  of events of the smaller county  associations and Irish local societies. In 1932, one finds an entire  page of hundreds of classifieds  advertised apartments, rooms for  rent, and weekly and monthly  boarding, but by 1941 these had  fallen to barely a dozen offerings in  newspapers like the Irish Echo or  Irish Advocate. Most of the dozens  of Irish dance halls had gone by  this time as well, replaced by much  smaller cabarets featuring fewer  musicians and singers.
The decline of the New York  Irish in the 1930s and 1940s can  be seen in the struggle to keep alive  Gaelic sports, activities almost  entirely connected to the number  of immigrants living in the city.  Although there were a handful of  excellent American-born Gaelic  football and hurling players, the  vast majority of participants had  always been natives of Ireland. As  long as there was a steady stream of  newcomers to New York, the ranks  and number of teams in Gaelic  sports carried on with amazing  vigor and frequency. But by the  mid-1930s a special effort had to  be made to create minor league  teams with increasing numbers of  American-born trainees. This  worked for a time, but as America  edged towards war, and the draft  was instituted, manpower for even  minor teams began to dry up.
The Gaelic Athletic  Association (New York) Annual  Report issued in June, 1941, stated  that "curiously enough, at a time  when our players are becoming old  and past their peak, our teams are  faster than ever. This, of course, is  due the influx of American players,  and it is noticeable particularly in  Senior football."   Nevertheless, the  number of players available was not  what it had been, and it was decided to cut the number of teams. At  its peak, just after the end of the  Irish Civil War in the early 1920s,  there had been over fifty affiliates.  More serious, however, was the  recurring problem of a suitable  playing field. Innisfail Park (today's  Gaelic Park) was in terrible condition, and finances ran at a loss for  half the year. Only the annual banquet and the fund-raising field day  kept the G.A.A. in the black.  Worse news for Gaelic sports  came a few weeks later when  Patrick J. Grimes, later Irish Echo  publisher, announced that he was  unable to continue the lease for the  1941 season. Many people, according to columnist Liam O'Shea, felt  that the park at 240th Street and  Broadway was too far removed  from where the Irish lived.   A new  lease was negotiated at the last minute and a newly renovated park reopened in mid-May, but with only  600 in attendance. According to  O'Shea, many old timers had  apparently lost interest while the  younger Irish had been drafted into  the armed forces. It was only when  tavern and restaurant owner John  "Kerry" O'Donnell leased the park  in 1944 that it was made more  The Changed Irish Community   secure for Gaelic sports.  While official Gaelic games  were played in Gaelic Park, unofficial "scratch" games were played at  other sites around the city.  Brooklyn's Prospect Park was probably the most frequented, near a  spot called "Donegal Hill" where  the Irish met to socialize on weekends. Columnist John J. Keating  described Easter Sunday, 1941,  when the hill was in full bloom  with cherry blossoms "and talk  about colleens, they were there by  the hundreds" in their Easter hats  and plumes. A few weeks later,  even in the midst of a strong gale, a  few stalwarts still appeared for the  weekend ritual that made Donegal  Hill at least a social equivalent to  Gaelic Park.  By the summer 1944, Gaelic games  in New York were in sad shape, but  help was on the way. After a  recruiting campaign among Irish-Americans, aged between twelve  and fifteen, two minor league  teams had been organized by July,  Incarnation Parish in Washington  Heights and St. Francis de Sales  Parish in Yorkville (although the  latter team existed only for a short  time). Four more were added by  the end of the season: St. Jerome's  (South Bronx), St. John's  (Kingsbridge, Bronx), Visitation in  the Bronx near Van Cortlandt  Park, and another in Washington  Heights in St. Rose of Lima Parish.  Several more were added for the  following season: St. Luke's, South  Bronx just to the east of St.  Jerome's, St. Pius in the Mott  Haven neighborhood of the South  Bronx, and St. Nicholas of  Tolentine in the Fordham section  of the Bronx. Geographically, all  teams had relatively easy access by  public transport to Innisfail Park  (known for a time as Croke Park  before finally becoming Gaelic  Park). Despite a pledge to organize  a minor team in every Irish parish  in the city, no team was organized  in either Brooklyn or Queens.  The gallant fight of the New York  Gaelic Athletic Association  (G.A.A.) to promote the traditional  sports of Ireland faced the reality of  grim statistics. In 1930, there were  220,631 Irish-born living in the  city. By 1950, the number of Irishborn had dropped to 144,808, a  decline of over 75,000. The economic depression and the Second  World War caused the long historic  pattern of emigration from Ireland  to be almost completely severed. A  small wave of new Irish immigrants  in the 1950s helped revive the Irish  community to some extent, but  with each succeeding decade the  revival was a little smaller and a little less noticeable. Whether it was  on the playing field or in the places  where the Irish gathered for social  and entertainment reasons, the War  had changed the number of the  city's Irish, but not their capacity to  endure as a distinct group within  the greater New York area.  - John Ridge Notes 1 Irish Advocate, January 25, 1941 2 Irish Advocate, January 25, 1941 3 Irish Advocate, February 15, 1941 4 Irish Advocate, May 24, 1941.  Columnist Bill Fealy reported that  Gaelic games were regularly played at  the training camps of the 69    Regiment in the South in 1941. 5 Irish Advocate, April 19, 26 and May  31, 1941 6 Irish Advocate, July 29, 1944, August  19, 1944 and September 4, 1944   Endnotes 1 New York Times, February 23, 1938 2 Brooklyn Eagle, January 15 and March 2, 1940 3 Brooklyn Eagle, January 5 and 6, 1941 and New York  Times, January 18, 1941 4 Irish Advocate, February 15, 1941 5 Irish Advocate, April12, 1941 6 Irish Advocate, April 12, 1941 7 Irish Advocate, September 6, 1941 8 Irish Advocate, September 6, 1941 9 Irish Advocate, October 25, 1941 10 Irish Advocate, December 20, 1941 11 Irish Advocate, February 15, May 10 and May 24,  1944. One project was to write to most of the eleven-thousand Roman Catholic priests in the United  States asking them to organize the praying of the  rosary to "invoke Divine aid to preserve Ireland  from invasion." The organization estimated over  twenty-two million rosaries had been said for this  purpose. 12 New York Times, June 16, 1941 13 Irish Advocate, April 26, 1941 14 Irish Advocate, May 17, 1941 15 Irish Advocate, May 24, 1941 16 Irish Advocate, July 19, 1941 17 Irish Advocate, July 12, 1941 18 Irish Advocate, November 29, 1941 19 Irish Advocate, December 20, 1941 20 Irish Advocate, December 20, 1941 21 Irish Advocate, December 20, 1941 Captain Colin  Kelly's wife was living in Brooklyn with her parents  at the time of his death. 22 Irish Advocate, December 27, 1941 23 New York Times, February 22, 1942 24 Brooklyn Eagle, February 23, 1942 25 New York Times, May 4, 1942 26 Irish Advocate, January 29, 1944 and September 15,  1945. See also article "Patrick J. Hurley" by Michael  Pocock at  27 Brooklyn Eagle, March 18, 1943 28 Irish Advocate, January 15, 1944, Bill Fealy column.  A square named in honor of Colonel Conroy was  dedicated in 1945 in the Park Slope Section near  Prospect Park. 29 Brooklyn Eagle, January 22, 1944 30 Irish Advocate, July 14, 1944 31 Irish Advocate, April 21, 1944 32 Irish Advocate, April 29, 1944 and May 6, 1944 33 Irish Advocate, July 1, 1944 34 Irish Advocate, August 12, 1944 35 Irish Advocate, October 14, 1944 36 Irish Advocate, April 1, 1944 (poem by James  McGovern) 37 Irish Advocate, May 6, 1944 38 New York Times, February 17, 1944 39 Irish Advocate, May 26, 1944 40 Irish Advocate, June 9, 1945 41 Irish Advocate, April 7, 1945 42 Irish Advocate, June 14, 1945 43 Irish Advocate, September 1, 1945 44 Irish Advocate, May 26, 1945 45 Irish Advocate, July 7, 1945 46 Irish Advocate, February 3, 1945 47 Irish Advocate, September 1, 1945 48 Irish Advocate, April 21, 1945 49 Irish Advocate, June 30, 1945
