The Arrival of the Fenian Exiles to New York - American Politics and the Irish Vote

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The welcome afforded O'Donovan Rossa, John Devoy and the other newly released Fenian prisoners by the New York Irish community reflected the growing strength of the Irish in America and their importance in the political process.- When the five Fenian prisoners arrived in New York on January 19, 1871, they found their Irish compatriots eagerly awaiting the opportunity to greet them and political factions fighting over the right to honor the new arrivals.

O'Donovan Rossa as he appeared about 1868. Editor's Note: -To illustrate the significance of the Irish vote, note that in 1855, 34 percent of New York City voters were Irish. By 1890, the number of immigrant and American-bom Irish combined equalled more than one-third of the city's population. (Glazer, Nathan and Moynihan, Daniel Patrick, Beyond the Melting Pot: The'Negroes, Puerto Ricans, Irish, Jews and Italians of New York City, Cambridge, 1963, page 219.) © Hugh O'Rourke, 1994 However, this reception was not without precedence as Irish political exiles had long enjoyed warm welcomes and successful careers in New York. The failure of the United Irishmen resulted in the immigration of Thomas Addis Emmet, brother of the executed Robert Emmet, and William J Macneven. After a period of imprisonment in Fort George in Scotland, the British government released them on the condition that they would leave the British Isles and not return. Both were welcomed in New York and both prospered. Emmet was admitted to the New York Bar by a special act of the New York Legislature and in 1812 became the Attorney General of the State of New York. Macneven, who had studied medicine in Vienna, became a professor of obstetrics at the College of Physicians and Surgeons. He was later the president of the Irish Emigrant Society which was organized to help the newly arriving Irish. The Society evolved into the Emigrant Industrial Savings Bank which was charted in 1851. It still exists as the Emigrant Savings Bank. 1 The leaders of the equally unsuccessful Young Ireland movement also found a warm reception and success in New York. In 1848 Richard O'Gorman, Michael Doheny, John Dillon, Thomas D'Arcy McGee, Thomas Devin Reilly and P.J. Smith escaped capture in Ireland and fled to New York. James Stephens and John O'Mahony, later leaders of the Fenian movement, first fled to France but later joined their comrades in New York.

Two of the Young Ireland leaders were not as fortunate evading capture. John Mitchel and Thomas Francis Meagher were arrested and tried for high treason. Death penalties were commuted to transportation to Australia for life. Both men escaped from a parole status in Australia and made their way to the United States.

Meagher, the most famous of the Young Irelanders, arrived in New York in 1852 to an enthusiastic welcome. He studied law and was admitted to the Bar in 1855. He married the daughter of a wealthy merchant, dabbled in politics, and served in the Irish Brigade during the Civil War. After the war he was appointed the Governor of the Montana territory.

John Mitchel escaped first to San Francisco in 1853 and later moved to New York. He settled in Brooklyn and published The Citizen.

Oddly, he supported slavery in the South and in 1855 moved to Tennessee where he wrote extensively in support of the Confederacy.

After the Civil War he lived for several years in New York before returning to Ireland where he died in 1875. The Fenian uprising was as unsuccessful as the Young Ireland movement. After a few unsuccessful battles, the participants and leaders were quickly arrested and imprisoned in both Ireland and England. 46 New York Irish History • -Vol. 8,1995-94 The prisoners, convicted in 1865 and 1867, were not forgotten by the Irish people and the amnesty movement organized in 1869 was able to attract over a million people to its demonstrations. The amnesty movement was organized by John Nolan, a former Fenian and colleague of John Devoy. Isaac Butt and George Henry Moore, both Irish members of Parliament, also supported the movement. Nolan was able to build a grass roots organization reminiscent of O'Connell's mass meetings. Reports of cruel treatment of the prisoners helped spark Irish support of an amnesty.

Charges of starvation diet, long term handcuffing and psychological isolation were partially substantiated by the Report of the Devon Commission which investigated the allegations. 2 On December 16, 1871 the Prime Minister, William E. Gladstone wrote to McCarthy Downing, member of Parliament for Cork and announced: Gentlemen: I have to inform you that her Majesty's Government have carefully considered the case of the convicts now undergoing their sentences for treason and treason-felony, and that they have recommended to the Crown the exercise towards them of the Royal clemency, so far as it is compatible with the assured maintenance of tranquility and order in the country. They will, therefore, be discharged upon the condition of not remaining in, nor returning to, the United Kingdom.

W. E. Gladstone 3 The British offer of amnesty was conditional. The Fenians were offered freedom on the condition that they left Great Britain and remained abroad during the remainder of their sentences.

Surprisingly, this offer was not quickly accepted. O'Donovan Rossa at first refused the conditional amnesty. Only after consulting with the other prisoners did he agree to the conditional release. William G. Halpin, an Irish-American who commanded a Kentucky regiment during the Civil War, refused the conditional release because he planned to prosecute his accusers of perjury in an English court. He later accepted the amnesty and returned to his home in Cincinnati where he was appointed the City Engineer. 4 The concept of a conditional release based on leaving the United Kingdom was the result of the post-prison release activities of John Warren and A. E. Costello, Irish Americans who were captured during the ill fated Erin's Hopeexpedition. When released in 1869 as a gesture to the American government, instead of returning to America both went to Ireland where they delivered a series of lectures attacking the British government. 5 The New York Times on January 7, 1871 reported the release of the Fenian prisoners. 6 The Fenian prisoners received their conditional release on January 5 and were released from English prisons in Portland, Woking, Chatham, and Millbank, all in England, and a prison in Western Australia. The first five prisoners released in England were transported to Liverpool where they boarded the Editor's Note: -Warren and Costello were Civil War veterans who participated in the unsuccessful attempt to sail guns on the "Erin's Hope" from New York to Ireland. They were arrested in Cork.

Cunard liner Cuba. After a stop at Queenstown (Cobh) where O'Donovan Rossa's wife and children boarded, the Cuba proceeded to New York.

An indication of the interest in the released prisoners was the presence of a reporter from The World. The New York reporter sailed on the Cuba from Liverpool and, according to Rossa, harassed the reluctant five former prisoners for interviews on topics that they were not familiar with since they had been long removed from news. 7 The first contingent of the released Fenian leadership arrived in New York harbor on January 19, 1871 on board the Cuba.

O'Donovan Rossa, Charles Underwood, John Devoy, John McClure, and Henry S. Mulleda were to refer to themselves as the "Cuba Five." 8 The second party consisting of Thomas Francis Bourke, Edmund Power, Edward Pilsworth St. Clair, Patrick Lennon, William Francis Roantree, Patrick Walsh, Peter Maughan, Denis Dowling Mulchay and George Brown, arrived a week later on the Cunard liner Russia. 9 Their exuberant reception reflected their great value to New York political groups who were desperately trying to corner the growing Irish vote.

It should be noted that at this time Jeremiah O'Donovan Rossa was clearly identified as the leader of the released Fenian prisoners and would later lead an active live in New York. However, he would eventually take a back seat to John Devoy as leader of the Irish revolutionaries in America. Rossa joined a faction that opposed Devoy's Clan na Gael and later interfered with a plan for the Clan na Gael to get aid from Russia. The Clan na Gael met with the Russian Minister M. Shishkin in Washington in 1877. However, the Russians were confused by the conflicting appeals of the Rossa faction and concluded "that there was neither head, tail nor middle to the Irish movement and that it could not be taken seriously." Devoy and Rossa were estranged from that time until Rossa was on his death bed in 1915. 10 The New York Irish were long associated with the politics of the Democratic Party which at that time was controlled by the leadership of Tammany Hall, a political club within the party. In 1871 the leader of Tammany Hall was none other than William M. Tweed who would be later viewed as the epitome of big city political corruption. As leader of the "Tweed Ring", he would later die in prison. 11 However, the Republican Party did not give up the huge Irish vote without a struggle. With the Republican President U. S. Grant in the White House, the Federal patronage jobs in New York were firmly in the hands of the Republicans, who were cautious enough to appoint a suitable number of Irishmen to prominent political posts. The Irish born Collector of the Port of New York, Thomas Murphy, was such an appointee.

The Democratic Party arranged a reception committee for the Cuba Five headed by the former Young Ireland leader Richard O'Gorman, then the Corporation Counsel of The City of New York, and the New York Fenian leader, Colonel William Roberts.

If the Democrats believed that the credentials of their representatives as Irish revolutionaries would win the day, they were wrong.

Richard O'Gorman avoided involvement in Irish politics after his arrival in New York. Devoy noted that O'Gorman "took no part in Irish affairs since his arrival in the country and was active only in American politics." 12 John O'Leary further commented that "O'Gorman seems to have exhausted his whole stock of patriotism in '48, and as far as I could gather, has taken little part in Irish _ 47 Vol. 8,1993-94 • -New York Irish History affairs since, save in what may be called the ornamental oratorical, Patrick's Day line of business." 13 However, O'Gorman prospered in a law partnership with another Young Irelander, John Dillon, and was a part of the Tweed machine. 14 The presence of Colonel William Roberts was also of marginal value to Tammany Hall as the released Fenians had ambiguous feelings toward the several factions fighting over the Fenian title.

O'Donovan Rossa was unimpressed by the bickering and division among the American Fenians. Roberts lead but one of the three Fenian groups and had attempted to wrestle control of the movement from John O'Mahoney. Another group calling itself the United Irishmen also claimed to represent the Fenian movement in America.

As the Cuba neared New York on Thursday, January 19, 1871, several committees of welcome were preparing to be first to meet the arriving Fenians. Thomas Murphy, Collector of the Port of New York, acting on the behalf of the Federal government and the Republican party, had assembled a committee of New York Fenians who had been meeting during the day at the Astor Hotel while awaiting the arrival of the released Fenians. When a report of the arrival of the Cuba in the harbor was received, the party was rushed to meet the ship at anchorage in the official launch of the U.S. government, The Bronx, under the command of the Thomas Murphy. 15 The Tammany Hall group was also waiting with the steamer, Antelope, chartered for the occasion. With a band on board playing "The Harp that once through Tara's Halls", the Antelope sailed from Castle Garden at 4:30 p.m. to meet the Cuba. In addition to the Irish patriots William Roberts, Richard O'Gorman and John Mitchel, nearly a hundred other political guests were on board. Order was preserved on the Antelope by fourteen policemen and a sergeant.

The launch, Andrew Fletcher, hired by the Knights of St. Patrick and representing the City of Brooklyn's Democratic Party organization, was also in the harbor to welcome the Fenians.

The Cuba arrived off Sandy Hook shortly before 9:00 p.m. and, according to O'Donovan's account of the incident, the Collector of the Port of New York's party was the first to board. Thomas Murphy welcomed the released Fenian prisoners to the United States in the name of the Federal government and suggested that the Fenians leave the Cuba on the government cutter. Rooms had been reserved for them in the Astor Hotel. Also with the Collector of the Port was a committee representing the United Irishmen, a faction of the very divided Fenian movement in America. A letter of welcome from this group was presented to the "Cuba Five". Before any decision could be made, the Antelope drew alongside and the Tammany party came on board to welcome the Fenians to New York in the name of the Democratic Party and the government of the City of New York. The Tammany committee, represented by Roberts and O'Gorman, gave speeches of welcome and suggested that the Fenian prisoners accompany the Tammany party to the Metropolitan Hotel. 16 Rossa's account had much of the speech making as taking place in a large salon and in the presence of the all the other parties.

Arguments between the groups broke out and all parties urged Rossa, who was acknowledged as the leader of the "Cuba Five", to come with their faction.

The New York Times listed Commissioner of Health for the City 48 of New York, Mr. Mullady, as greeting the prisoners. General F.F. Millen, a member of the Collector of the Port of New York's party, also welcomed the Fenians in the name of the United States. Rossa quoted the General as saying, "Unlike this gentleman (referring to Commissioner of Health Mullady), I don't offer you a reception at the hands of the city government, but I extend to you the hospitality of the United States. 17 An argument between Health Commissioner Mullady and General Millen then took place in the salon with Mullady questioning the General's right to speak for the United States. The New York Times quoted Mr. Mullady as asking, "Are you the United States?" The General was quoted as replying "No: but I wish to save these men from being made fools of Tammany tricksters." 18 Rossa in his autobiography stated that in the midst of the melee, Dr. Carnochan, the Health Officer of the Port and a member of the Tammany contingent, suddenly announced that he feared that smallpox was on board and prevented anyone from leaving the ship. Rossa believed that this decision was based on the belief that the Health Officer thought that Rossa was about to leave with the representatives of the federal government. Rossa was probably leaning in that direction. He was advised by an American fellow passenger on board the Cuba that it would have great political impact if Rossa and the former prisoners were escorted to shore by representatives of the federal government in a government launch flying the flag of the United States. 19 The New York Times account reported "Intense excitement and turmoil followed. O'Donovan Rossa and his associates were much embarrassed. They retired to consult and returned with this manly reply: Reply of O'Donovan Rossa On Board the Cuba, Jan. 19, 1871 To the Gentlemen of the several Deputations for Receiving the Irish Exiles: Gentlemen: We thank you all for your invitations and we will try to accept all, but we are only a few of many. Our fellow prisoners are on the way hither, and we will take no public step until they arrive. You look upon us as representing the cause of Ireland, for the interests of which cause we desire that all Irishmen should be united. It is painful for us tonight to see so much dissention amongst yourselves. For what your reception concerns us as individuals we care little compared to what we feel about it in connection with the interest of Irish independence and as you have not united harmoniously to receive us, we will not decide upon anything till the arrival of our brothers. We will remain on board the ship tonight, and we will go to a hotel tomorrow.

We remain, gentleman, yours very respectfully, Jeremiah O'Donovan Rossa Chas. Underwood O'Connell John Devoy John McClure Henry S. Mullada" 20 The "Cuba Five" left the ship the next day and took lodgings in Sweeney's Hotel. They were soon visited by Richard O'Gorman New York Irish History - Vol. 8,1993-94 who paid the hotel bill and presented O'Donovan Rossa, who had been selected as financial agent for the Fenian exiles, with $15,000 which was raised by public subscription by Tammany Hall. 21 Horace Greeley, William M. Tweed and other notables visited the five in Sweeney's Hotel, and many invitations to speak at various organizations were received. However, Rossa and the others refused to become involved with any faction or organization. Again they demurred by stating that they must wait for their comrades who were in route to New York from the British prisons.

Unfortunately for the Tammany Hall leaders, this refusal included a refusal to attend a parade in their honor that was scheduled for Monday, January 24. "Boss" Tweed's son who was in charge of the festivities was forced to place a notice in the New York Times stating "...the parade cannot take place untilthe arrival of the balance of the party, when on consultation the exiles will take such action as in their judgement they may deem proper. Due notice will be given to the various societies of the decision of the patriots.

Wm. M. Tweed, Jr., Grand Marshall." 22 Rossa and the other released Fenians, however, realized that an official public reception by the City of New York would give prestige and legitimacy to themselves and their cause. In addition the British government could not miss the significance of the power of the American Irish and their continued interest in Irish affairs. The planned parade would take place.

The Republican Party and the representatives of the federal government yielded to Tammany Hall the privilege of welcoming the second group of Fenian prisoners who arrived on January 27 on board the Russia. Tammany Hall and a variety of Irish and Fenian societies chartered the steamship Empire State to greet the Russia in the harbor. The Tammany welcoming committee and about 800 enthusiastic supporters sailed at 2:00 p.m. to meet the Russia which was expected to arrive later that day. However, the Russia arrived a day late and missed the reception committee who had returned to the dock. The next day a delegation met the ship at the dock in Jersey City and welcomed Thomas Francis Bourke, Edmund Power, Edward Pilsworth St. Clair, Patrick Lennon, William Francis Roantree, Patrick Walsh, Peter Maughan, Denis Dowling Mulcahy, and George Brown. 23 On February 9th the official parade to honor the exiles was held with the Fenians who arrived on the Russia in attendance. The ceremonies started with a reception at the club house of Tammany Hall on East 14th Street. The New York Times reported laudatory speeches by Richard O'Gorman and other members of the Tammany organization. Col. Richard Burke, another released Fenian prisoner, and O'Donovan Rossa, on behalf of the exiles thanked Tammany Hall and the City of New York for their hospitality and pledged himself to "yet see the measure of vengeance wrought upon the oppressor." The New York Times also reported that numerous officials of Tammany gave "...(speeches) expressive of the deep commiseration that the political organization took in the woes of the martyrs and throat after throat, hoarse with shouting praises and denouncing "perfidious Albion" followed each other in enthusiastic succession." 24 After the meeting in Tammany Hall the parties lined up in front of the Hall with numerous societies and paraded with Police Commissioner James Kelso in the first carriage to Broadway where the parade turned downtown toward City Hall. The parade passed City Hall where Mayor A. Oakley Hall and other City officials, reviewed the proceedings. The parade continued to its end at West 24 Street and Broadway where additional speeches were made near the statue of General Worth.

The New York Times, which was unsympathetic toward Irish immigrants and absolutely hostile to the Tammany Hall politicians in general and "Boss" Tweed in particular, sourly described Broadway as: "...blockaded by societies hurrying up and down, and businesses in many instances very inconvenienced.

Thousands of men left their employers short of help without the slightest consideration to take part in this demonstration, and many a mistress, under compulsion, had to allow her servant an entire holiday to witness the spectacle. Of course, all the magnates of Tammany were present and indulged in the usual wire pulling common to such political opportunities." 25 The parade did not escape notice of diarist, George Templeton Strong. Strong, who like many upper class New Yorkers was strongly anti-Irish, clearly recognized the fawning attention given to the Fenian exiles by the Democratic Party. He noted in his diary for February 10th: All travel on Broadway was suspended for nearly two hours this afternoon, and half the people of New York were subject to annoyance and inconvenience by an exasperating procession of pediculous Celtic bogtrotters, aldermen, miscellaneous blackguards, justices of the Supreme Court, roughs, deputy sheriffs, hedge priests, corner-grocery politicians, and the like scum, gathered together in honor of certain Fenians who escaped their desert of hanging at home and have come here to rule Americans... 26 Prior to the parade O'Donovan Rossa received a call at Sweeney's Hotel from Richard B. Connolly, the Comptroller of the City of New York. Connolly told Rossa that his deputy, James Watson, was killed a few days prior when he was thrown from his horse drawn sled and that he was looking for someone to fill the job. Rossa did not accept the offer and quite wisely noted that "I might have been a lord today-or a Sing Sing convict-had I grasped the treasures laid before me." 27 Rossa was probably unfamiliar at this time with the activities of the Tweed Ring but his instincts were correct in refusing the job with the Comptroller. The Irish born Richard B. Connolly, called by some "Slippery Dick Connolly", began his political career as County Clerk and later as a State Senator. As City Comptroller, Connolly was charged with William M. Tweed, who was the Commissioner of Public Works for the City of New York, a New York State Senator and the leader of Tammany Hall, in a scheme to defraud the City of New York out of millions of dollars. The New York City Court House, now known as the Tweed Court House on Chambers Street, scheduled to be built for $250,000 but allegedly cost more than $14,000,000 at completion. The Board of Audit, which was made up of Mayor A. Oakey Hall, Comptroller Connolly and Commissioner of Public Works Tweed, was responsible for overseeing public expenditure.

James Watson, Connolly's auditor on the Board of Audits, was in charge of all accounts. William S. Copeland, clerk in the Board of Audits, who was appointed as a favor to Sheriff James O'Brien, found incriminating information indicating wide spread looting of the public treasury and gave the document to Sheriff O'Brien. 49 Vol. 8,1993-94 New York Irish History Rather than use this information to investigate political corruption, Sheriff O'Brien eventually gave his information to George Jones, owner of the New York Times, who published the information which lead to the downfall of the Tweed Ring. Richard Connolly resigned as Comptroller in November and was arrested shortly thereafter. He later fled to France and died in Marseilles in 1880. 28 The offer of Watson's job undoubtedly could have lead to Rossa's ruin.

Despite his short time in America, Rossa apparently had a taste for politics himself. Believing that the large number of Cork and Kerry immigrants living in the Lower East Side would carry the day, in September, 1871 he ran against none other than William M. Tweed in his home district for the position of State Senator.

Rossa approached Collector Thomas Murphy for the support of the Republican Party in the election. Murphy was apparently more than happy to provide Rossa with a thousand dollars for use in the contest. However, Rossa lost the election by 6,000 votes to Tweed. 29 John Devoy, who was critical of Rossa for his attempt at American politics with less than one year in the country, reported a conversation with a Tammany worker who told him that Rossa actually won the election by 350 votes. The Tweed machine was able to steal the election. 30 The demands on the exiles continued. An invitation to visit the White Houe could not be refused. Thirteen of the Fenians met with President Grant in Washington on February 22. The opportunity to complain about the harsh conditions in English prisons was not missed. On the same day Rossa addressed a vast auduience in Philadelphia in a lecture on prison life in England and Colonel William Halpin visited supporters in Boston. 31 American politicians seeking allies among the Irish voters were quick to join the bandwagon. United States Representative Benjamin Butler, Republican of Massachusetts, introduced a resolution to welcome the Fenians: Resolved, That the Congress of the United States, in the name and on behalf of the people of the United States, give to J. O'Donovan Rossa, Thomas Clarke Luby, John O'Leary, Thomas F. Burke, Charles Underwood O'Connell, and their associates, Irish exiles, a cordial welcome to the capital, also to the country, and that a copy of this resolution be transmitted to them by the President of the United States. 32 The resolution passed by a wide margin.

Congressman Butler also introduced a joint resolution requesting that the President use the Joint High Commision to seek redress against Britain for the damages and loses suffered by Irish-Americans citizens on account of their unjust imprisonment in English prisons. The Joint High Commission was meeting at that time to settle the claims of United States ship owners against the British government for losses suffered by the Confederate raiser Alabama. The motion failed to pass in the House of Representatives. 33 The tumultuous receptions for the Fenians did not escape notice in England. The London Times of March 31, 1871 claimed "...the reception of the Fenians in the United States (is) thoroughly discreditable." The editorial questioned what the response of the United States government would be to the possibility of the British Parliament praising or inviting Jefferson Davis to speak in Parliament. The editorial drew an analogy between O'Donovan Rossa and Jefferson Davis and suggested that Britain and the United States should both stay out of each others domestic affairs. 34 However, a great many Irish-American politicians could not pass up the opportunity to use the cause of Irish grievance against England in the electoral process. Some Irish nationalists such as Michael Davitt and E. P. St. Clair condemned the practice and the politicians as "men unworthy of the name Irish,...whose sole motive (was) selfishness," and for who "Ireland...(was) a mere catchword for American political parties." 35 However true this statement may have been, the period from the arrival of the Fenians in New York to the creation of the Irish Free State would be marked by numerous politicians who would sometimes cynically curry favor of Irish-American voters by espousing the cause of Irish independence.

Footnotes 'Edward O'Meagher Condon, The Irish Race in America, originally published in 1887, (New York: Ogham Press, 1976), 261-265. William O'Brien and Desmond Ryan, Devoy's Post Bag 2 vols. (Dublin: C. J. FallonLtd., 1948), 1:1. 3 O'Donovan Rossa, Irish Rebels in English Prisons (New York: P. J. Kennedy and Sons, 1888), 416. 'O'Brien and Ryan, 1-2. 'William D'Arcy O.F.M., The Fenian Movement in the United States 1858-1886 (New York: Russel and Russel, 1947), 309-310. 6 "The Released Fenian Prisoners," New York Times, 7 January 1871, 2, 'Rossa, 423. 'D'Arcy, 370. 'O'Brien and Ryan, 2. 10 John Devoy, Recollections of an Irish Rebel, (New York: Charles Young Printers, 1929), 330. "John William Leonard, History of the City of New York 1609-1909 (New York: The Journal of the Commerce and Commercial Bulletin, 1910), 387. "Devoy, 298. "O'Brien and Ryan, 7. "Blanche M. Touhill, William O'Brien Smith and His Revolutionary Companions in Penal Exile (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1981), 425. 15 "The Fenians Arrived," The New York Times, 20 January 1871,1. 16 Ibid. "O'Brien and Ryan, 4. I8 "The Fenians Arrived," New York Times, 20 January 1871,1. "Rossa, 425426. 20 "The Fenians Arrived," New York Times, 20 January 1871,1. "Devoy, 5. a "The Released Fenians," New York Times, 22 January 1871, 6. ^"More Fenian Exiles," The World, 28 January 1871, 5. ""The Involuntary Emigrants," New York Times, 10 February 1871, 8. a Ibid. "George Templeton Strong, The Diary of George Templeton Strong, ed. Alan Nevins and Milton H. Thomas (New York: Octagon Books, 1974), 345. "Rossa, 428. M Leo Hershkowitz, Tweed's New York: Another Look (Garden City: Anchor Press/Doubleday, 1977), 177-209. s'Rossa, 434. "Devoy, 329-330. 31 "The Fenians. Visit of the Exiles to President Grant," New York Times, 23 February 1871,1. ^D'Arcy, 371. "New York Times, 18 April 1871, 2. M "An English Grievance. The Reception of the Released Fenians, and Its Effect-The Order of American Growth," New York Times, 31 March 1871,1. ^Kerby Miller, Emigrants and Exiles (New York: Oxford University Press, 1985), 536. 50